Conversation
Context: , & I have run a number of surveys in which we find that ordinary people have no conviction that even a very large positive shock to their metro region's housing supply would bring down prices & rents.
papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf
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People are much more pessimistic about normal workings of supply and demand in regional housing markets than in markets for cars, labor, agricultural commodities, and consumer goods.
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So it's not so surprising, as another of our papers shows, that people think price controls & demand subsidies would be more effective than land-use liberalization for helping people get housing they can afford. Or that the former are much more popular. nowpublishers.com/article/Detail
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But, critically, our prior work also finds that people's beliefs about the direction of the price effect of a housing supply shock are unstable, within & across surveys.
Mass "supply skepticism" appears to be more confusion than conviction.
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Hence our new study. We randomly exposed survey respondents to one of four treatments (or a no-info control condition):
- T1: a written summary of the findings of the leading "chain of moves" econ papers (h/t , Bratu , )
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- T2: a written analogy between market for housing & market for cars, i.e., explaining the chain-of-moves idea with reference to a market in which "supply and demand" is widely understood, per our prior work
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- T3: an advocacy video from , which explains the chain-of-moves idea by analogy to a game of Cruel Musical Chairs
- T4: a textual summary of the narrative of the advocacy video
youtube.com/watch?v=EQGQU0
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We measure the effect of these treatments on:
- beliefs about the price effect of a large regional housing supply shock
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- whether the respondent picked, "Allow developers to build market-rate apartments/condos anywhere they want to build them" as the more effective of two housing-affordability policies (the other was a randomized alternative)
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- whether the respondent said they support constructing more market-rate housing in their metro region (one Q about infill, another Q about sprawl)
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- whether the respondent accepted an invitation to write to their Governor and legislative leaders about land-use and housing issues, and what they wrote
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What do we find?
On average, the treatments have big effects on econ beliefs *and* policy preferences, w/ video increasing support for market-rate housing development by ~15 percentage points!
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The treatments *do not* polarize public opinion by tenure. Contra Fischel's "homevoter hypothesis," homeowners' support for development increases as much or more than renters'!
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And while no treatment significantly increased the probability of respondents writing to state policymakers or # of words written, the video increased prob. of a message calling for more market-rate housing from ~1-2% to ~3-4%.
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(Which sounds small, but 3-4% is the rate at which old homeowners wrote complaining about overdevelopment.)
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Our results on how the treatments affect content of respondents' political communication are "off plan" and so should be taken as suggestive only.
But they certainly suggest that the economic belief & policy preference results are not just "cheap talk."
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To put our results in context, the effect of the Sightline video on land-use preferences was > 3x larger than typical effect of a persuasive political communication (per Coppock's recent review).
press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book
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And whereas econ-info treatments typically shift econ beliefs but have no effect on policy opinions that the beliefs "should" inform, our econ-info treatment worked on both fronts.
aeaweb.org/articles?id=10
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Caveats:
- We didn't measure persistence of treatment effects, or whether they'd hold up in face of counter-messaging
- This wasn't a field experiment. We have no idea whether supply skeptics would actually watch the video "in the wild."
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- The video, and the written paraphrase of video, had about the same effect on econ beliefs but the video moved policy preferences much more. A mystery. Maybe b/c video conveyed emotional urgency? Maybe b/c I goofed & used word "developer" in paraphrasing the video?
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That said, I think this may be the most hopeful set of results to date in the politics-of-housing lit.
It is strong evidence (1) that supply skeptics can learn from simple informational interventions, (2) that when they learn, they change their policy prefs,
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and (3), that learning that more 
prices
does not make homeowners oppose regional land-use liberalization.
Feedback welcome!
/end
Of possible interest to
Show moreMigration isn't just about folk coming to live near us - it's about our right to live in different places, before moving somewhere new.
"Digital Noamds" do just that!
Find out about them & much more in my new book, "FREEDOM: The Case For Ope Borders": amazon.com/dp/B0CSX554Y4
Reminds me of the Threshold 2008 study.
Which cost $1m and entailed two days of intense deliberation, vs. watching a 1 min 45 sec video available for free on Youtube.
Takeaway: YIMBYs should invest more in messaging and educational campaigns!
Funny, housing expert here. And I don’t form part of this consensus. Take a look at Manchester, England and see if increased supply has led to lower prices. Even the city hall admits it has not.
Trickle down housing is a fantasy. It’s as ridiculous as Reaganomics, which it essentially is.
Only retarded people think more supply is the answer. The answer is lower immigration. The only reason we "need" immigration is because it allows for GDP to rise without per capita GDP rising too much for employers to lose control.
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This will be the first rate cut since many high-profile YIMBY bills first started to come online in 2022—I'm excited to see more projects pencil.
When I Google "courtesy cards", I don't find a well-funded campaign against them. I don't find a one-person campaign against them. There isn't even a Wikipedia page on them. How come such open corruption has resulted in so little protest?
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A police officer in NYC faced demotion and retaliation from higher-ranking cops because he was ticketing drivers that have "courtesy cards" issued by police unions that normally let drivers get away with violations, and now, taxpayers have to pay him a $175k settlement.
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